Labour History: A Journal of Labour and Social History

The “Necessity” of a Socially Homogeneous Population: The Ruling Class Embraces Racial Exclusion

Labour History: A Journal of Labour and Social History (2015), 108, (1), 123–144.

Abstract

In 1888, the colonial governments of Australia came together to agree on a policy of racial exclusion — aimed at preventing Chinese immigration. This article argues that key figures in the colonial ruling class feared the development of a racially divided population and shows them drawing on the mainstream liberal theory of anti-slavery, and John Stuart Mill’s theory that representative government required social homogeneity, to construct and legitimise their position. While anti-slavery has long passed as a major element in public policy, Mill’s argument for homogeneity shaped Australian justifications for White Australia through much of the twentieth century and, arguably, still informs elements of contemporary immigration policy.

Access Token
£25.00
If you have private access to this content, please log in with your username and password here

Footnotes

*The author would like to thank the two anonymous referees ofLabour Historyfor their comments and suggestions, the Editorial Working Party ofLabour Historyand those who have read earlier versions of this article and made valuable suggestions. Google Scholar

1.Duncan Gillies to Governor of Victoria (Lord Loch), 11 April1888,Queensland, Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly 3(1888):197–98(henceforthQld, V&P LA). This was Gillies’ report to the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir Henry Holland. I have cited the Queensland Government publication of these documents, but all were published in the votes and proceedings of the parliaments of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania (at least). Google Scholar

2.Secretary of State for the Colonies (H. T. Holland) to Governors of Australian colonies, 23 January1888,Qld, V&P LA 3(1888):190. Google Scholar

3.Lew-ta-Jen to British Foreign Minister (Lord Salisbury), 12 December1887,Qld, V&P LA 3(1888):190. Google Scholar

4.Parkes to British Secretary of State for the Colonies (Lord Knutsford), 31 March1888,Qld, V&P LA 3(1888):193–94. Google Scholar

5.Sir Samuel Griffith to Governor of Queensland (Sir Anthony Musgrave), 24 March1888,Qld, V&P LA 3(1888):191–92. Google Scholar

6.Andrew Inglis Clark to Premier of Tasmania (P. O. Fysh), 24 April1888,Qld, V&P LA 3(1888):199–201. Google Scholar

7.A range of historians see the decisions of the Intercolonial Conference of June 1888 as representing a first White Australia policy; seeCharles A. Price, The Great White Walls are Built: Restrictive Immigration to North America and Australasia 1836–1888(:Australian Institute of International Affairs, 1974), xi;Ann Curthoys, “Liberalism and Exclusionism: A Prehistory of the White Australia Policy,”inLegacies of White Australia, ed.Laksiri Jayasuriya,David Walker andJan Gothard(:University of Western Australia Press, 2003), 31. According to Richard Ely, Andrew Inglis Clark’s son, Carrel, claimed that his father’s memorandum “gave concrete utterance for the first time in an official document of that first principle of Australianism summed up in the phrase ‘White Australia.’” Ely himself rejects this, partly on the basis that the concept of White Australia did not exist at the time;“Inglis Clark’s 1888 ‘Memorandum’ on Chinese immigration,”inA Living Force: Andrew Inglis Clark and the Ideal of the Commonwealth, ed.Richard Ely,Marcus Haward andJames Warden(:Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, 2001), 72, 80. See alsoDavid Johanson, “History of the White Australia Policy,”inImmigration: Control or Colour Bar? The Background to “White Australia” and a Proposal for Change, ed. Immigration Reform Group(:Immigration Reform Group, 1962), 6; andJohn Hirst, The Sentimental Nation: The Making of the Australian Commonwealth(:Oxford University Press, 2000), 22. Google Scholar

9.See, in particular, Helen Irving’s discussion of the impact of the experience of American slavery and Civil War in the writing of theAustralian Constitution;To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia’s Constitution(:Cambridge University Press, 1997), 69–70, 103–10. Google Scholar

10.R. W. Connell andT. H. Irving, Class Structure in Australian History: Documents, Narrative and Argument(:Longman Cheshire, 1980), 105–35. Google Scholar

11.See, for instance,Connell andIrving, Class Structure, 20ff. For a more sophisticated, Marxist treatment, seeHal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 1, State and Bureaucracy(:Monthly Review Press, 1977), 15. Google Scholar

12.R. W. Connell andT. H. Irving, Class Structure in Australian History: Poverty and Progress, 2nd edn (:Longman Cheshire, 1992), 11–12;Stuart Macintyre, A Colonial Liberalism: The Lost World of Three Victorian Visionaries(:Oxford University Press, 1991), 112;Sir Henry Parkes, Fifty Years in the Making of Australian History(:Books for Libraries Press, 1971), 570–71. Google Scholar

13.Henry John Wrixon, Democracy in Australia: Being a Consideration of the Cause of our Present Political Difficulties and Their True Remedy: Addressed to the Electors of Belfast by Henry John Wrixon, BA, Barrister-at-Law(:Heath and Cordell, printers, 1868). Macintyre saw Victorian conservatives legitimising and representing the most affluent, including the urban affluent, and liberals the “working class suburbs and goldfield constituencies”;A Colonial Liberalism, 37. I would argue that this reflected their success at sustaining hegemony regarding the plebeian and working classes, rather than actually representing working-class interests. This was a hegemony that began to break down with the rise of trade unionism and the Labor Party. Google Scholar

14.Verity Burgmann is one of the few to argue that White Australia was a product of ruling-class agendas; seeVerity Burgmann, “Capital and Labour,”inWho are Our Enemies? Racism and the Australian Working Class, ed.Ann Curthoys andAndrew Markus(:Hale and Iremonger, in association with the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 1978), 20–34; andVerity Burgmann, “Writing Racism Out of History,” Arena, no. 67 (first series, 1984):78–92. However Burgmann offered only a few schematic suggestions as to ruling-class agendas, including competition from Chinese businesses. Both Ann Curthoys and Peter Corris identified this lacunae in the historiography of White Australia;Ann Curthoys, “Racism and Class in the Nineteenth-Century Immigration Debate,”inSurrender Australia? Essays in the Study and Uses of History: Geoffrey Blainey and Asian immigration, ed.Andrew Markus andMerle Ricklefs(:George Allen and Unwin, 1985), 98; andPeter Corris, “Racialism: The Australian Experience,” Historical Studies, Australia and New Zealand 15, no. 61(October1973):754. Google Scholar

15. Sydney Morning Herald(SMH), 15 May1888; this opinion was echoed by its former editor, Andrew Garran, in the NSW Legislative Council, New South Wales, Parliamentary Debates 33, 4856(henceforth NSW, PD). Google Scholar

16.Irving, To Constitute a Nation, 107. Google Scholar

17.Inglis Clark to Premier, 24 April1888. Google Scholar

18.SeeHugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas 1830–1920(:Hansib, 1974). Google Scholar

19.For instance, Rose Cullen, in a marvellous recent article, saw “slavery” entering the debate on indentured Indian labour in mid-1838, failing to see the reference to “bringing … labour into disrepute” in Lord Glenelg’s despatch of December 1837 as a reference to the effects of slavery;Rose Cullen, “Empire, Indian Indentured Labour and the Colony: The Debate over ‘Coolie’ Labour in New South Wales, 1836–1838,” History Australia 9, no. 1(2012):103, 104. Google Scholar

20.David Turley, TheCulture of English Antislavery, 1780–1860(:Routledge, 1991), 21–23;David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution 1770–1823(:Cornell University Press, 1975), 386ff;Ronald Kent Richardson, “The Signs of Power: A Study of English Anti-Slavery Thought”(PhD diss.,State University of New York,, 1982), esp 164, 169, 182–85. Google Scholar

21. The Week, 5 January1882, 12. Google Scholar

22.Thomas Halliwell, The American War Considered Specially with Regard to Slavery, Part 2 (:G. Watson, 1865), 32; see alsoJohn E. Cairnes, The Slave Power: Its Character, Career, and Probable Designs: Being an Attempt to Explain the Real Issues Involved in the American Contest(:Follett Foster and Co., 1863), 26. Google Scholar

23.Richard Fogel andStanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross:The Economics of American Negro Slavery, vol. 1(:Little Brown, 1974), 183. Google Scholar

24.Queensland, Official Record of Debates of the Legislative Assembly 23(1877):50–69(henceforthQld, ORDLA). Google Scholar

25.Quoted inKay Saunders, “Uncertain Bondage: An Analysis of Indentured Labour in Queensland to 1907, with Particular Reference to the Melanesian Servants”(PhD diss.,University of Queensland, 1974), 229. Google Scholar

26.Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, vol. 1(:Methuen and Co, 1930), 364. Google Scholar

27.John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political Economy, with Some of their Applications to Social Philosophy, vol. 1(:Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1848), 125, 128, 297. See alsoHerman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Colonies: Delivered before the University of Oxford in 1839, 1840 and 1841(:Longman Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1861), and especially his 1861 appendix. Google Scholar

28. The Week, 30 November1878, 750–51. Google Scholar

29.Qld, ORDLA 37(1882):188–89, my emphasis. Google Scholar

30.Ibid., 189. Google Scholar

31.NSW, PD 3(first series, 1879–80), 2696. Cameron is usually identified as a representative of the working class; I have argued elsewhere that while he was first elected as a representative of the Sydney Trades and Labour Council, he was soon captured by the liberal Robertson machine, later joining Parkes’ faction. He used his parliamentary position to abandon his working-class roots, becoming a director of building societies; seePhil Griffiths, “Containing Discontent: Anti-Chinese Racism in the Reinvention of Angus Cameron,” Labour History, no. 94(May2008):69–88;Bede Nairn, “Cameron, Angus (1847–1896),” Australian Dictionary of Biography,National Centre of Biography, Australian National University,, accessed March2015,http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/cameron-angus-3146/text4693. Google Scholar

32.Queensland, Official Record of Debates of the Legislative Council 22(1877):72(Mein); 82 (Box) (henceforth Qld, ORDLC). They were speaking in the debate over the1877 Gold Fields Amendment Act. See also,Letter R. W. Thompson toSir Henry Parkes, 26 July1887, in Parkes Corresp, A917, Mitchell Library, 345. Google Scholar

34.These facts are broadly agreed; seeC. Y. Choi, Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia(:Sydney University Press, 1975), 13–14;C. F. Yong, The New Gold Mountain: The Chinese in Australia, 1901–1921(:Raphael Arts, 1977), 1–2, also 230 fn 7. Michael Williams has given us the most profound study of Chinese migration to Sydney and other ports;Michael Williams, “Destination Qiaoxiang: Pearl River Delta Villages and Pacific Ports 1849–1949”(PhD diss.,University of Hong Kong, 2002). Google Scholar

36.South Australia, Parliamentary Debates(1888): col. 224 (henceforth SA, PD). See also James Powell to Sir Henry Parkes, 9 August1878, Parkes corresp, A901, 47. Google Scholar

37.For instance, Sir Raphael Cilento (with the assistance of Clem Lack Snr), Triumph in the Tropics: An Historical Sketch of Queensland(:Historical Committee of the Centenary Celebrations Council of Queensland, 1959). Cilento’s book was a polemic against the idea that “white” men could not work in the tropics;Saunders, “Uncertain Bondage,” 36–39;Warwick Anderson, The Cultivation of Whiteness: Science, Health and Racial Destiny in Australia(:Melbourne University Press, 2002), esp. 73–86. Google Scholar

38.From Tasmania’s official dissenting statement to the 1888 Intercolonial Conference on the Chinese question, seeQld, V&P LA 3(1888):209. Google Scholar

39.Charles H. Pearson, National Life and Character: A Forecast(:Macmillan and Co, 1894), 42. Helen Irving notes that a paper on “The Risk of Creating a ‘Class of Servile Labourers as an Institution’” was presented to the Bathurst People’s Federal Convention in 1896;Irving, To Constitute a Nation, 108. Google Scholar

40.Phil Griffiths, “The Strategic Fears of the Ruling Class: The Construction of Queensland’s Chinese Immigrants Regulation Act of 1877,” Australian Journal of Politics and History 58, no. 1(March2012):1–19. Google Scholar

41.Letter to Parkes, 31 May1888, Parkes corresp., A913, 334. Google Scholar

42.Robinson to Parkes, 26 June1877, Parkes corresp., A972. Google Scholar

43.Lowe to Parkes, 27 Nov1879, Parkes corresp., A924, 464; lack of question mark in original. Google Scholar

44.Anderson, The Cultivation of Whiteness, passim. Google Scholar

45.NSW, PD 33(1887–88):5026. Google Scholar

47.Quoted by John Bray when moving an anti-Chinese bill on 28 July1880; see SA, PD(1880): col. 521. Bray would become premier of South Australia in 1881. Google Scholar

48. SMH, 28 January1881, 5. The context was a discussion of the decision of the Intercolonial Conference, then meeting in Sydney, that the colonies would pass laws restricting Chinese immigration. Google Scholar

49.Qld, ORDLA 43(1884):127. Morehead was speaking on the Federal Council of Australasia Bill. Google Scholar

51.J. S. Mill, Utilitarianism, On Liberty and Considerations on Representative Government: With Selections from Auguste Comte and Positivism(:Everyman’s Library, 1972), 223. Google Scholar

52.Ibid., 226. Google Scholar

53.Ibid., 392. Google Scholar

54.Ibid., 398–99. He goes on, naturally enough, to look at that great federation, the United States of America, and some of the structural weaknesses that led to civil war. Mill’s arguments on the prerequisites for a successful federation were drawn on by E. W. Burton in an article attacking proposals for imperial federation;E. W. Burton, “The Political Destiny of the Colonies,” Victorian Review 4, no. 20(June1881), 147–62. Google Scholar

55.Mill, Utilitarianism, 392. Google Scholar

56. Brisbane Courier, 29 October1880. This position did not prevent them supporting the recruitment of indentured Pacific Islanders and labourers from British India for tropical and frontier labour, under suitable regulations. Google Scholar

57.A summary ofLongman’s Magazine(November 1882–February1883) provided by the column,“The Contemporary Thought of Great Britain, Europe, and the United States,” Victorian Review 8, no. 43(May1883), 99–100. Google Scholar

58.Mill, Utilitarianism, 395. This was not a new idea; Birch finds it in Lord Durham’s 1839 report on British North America, and elsewhere. SeeAnthony H. Birch, Nationalism and National Integration(:Unwin Hyman, 1989), 38–39. Google Scholar

59.Britain’s (and England’s) multi-ethnic history is mentioned inJ. Crozier, “Ireland and Historical Comparisons,” Victorian Review 3, no. 18(April1881), 698–706. The supposed assimilating power of British and Christian civilisation is discussed with reference to Jewish people in a summary of the April 1883 issue ofThe Edinburgh Reviewin“The Contemporary Thought of Great Britain, Europe, and the United States,” Victorian Review 8, no. 45(July1883), 317. Google Scholar

60.Sir George Bowen, Thirty Years of Colonial Government: A Selection from the Despatches and Letters of the Right Hon. Sir George Ferguson Bowen, GCMG, etc, Governor Successively of Queensland, New Zealand, Victoria, Mauritius and Hong Kong, vol. 1, ed.Stanley Lane-Poole(:Longmans, Green and Co, 1889), 224–229. Google Scholar

61.Marilyn Lake andHenry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men’s Countries and the Question of Racial Equality(:Melbourne University Press, 2008), 6–7, 80. Google Scholar

62.A Trove search suggests that theHobart Mercurymade the first Australian press mention of Bryce’s book on 8 February 1889. The following day, the MelbourneArguspublished news of the book, and followed up with a long review of it on Friday 15 February. It was reviewed by theSydney Morning Heraldon 16 March 1889. Google Scholar

63.Birch, Nationalism, 39–40. Google Scholar

64.E. W. Burton, “The Political Destiny of the Colonies,” Victorian Review 4, no. 20(June1881):147–62. Google Scholar

65.Duncan noted that Mill “had a powerful influence on thought and action in England during the second half of the century”; seeGraeme Duncan, Marx and Mill: Two Views of Social Conflict and Social Harmony(:Cambridge University Press, 1973), 3. La Nauze portrayed Mill as a significant influence on Alfred Deakin; seeJ. A. La Nauze, Alfred Deakin: A Biography(:Melbourne University Press, 1965), 14, 37–8, 61–2. Christopher Rous Robertson describes Mill’s influence on important Queensland journalist, William Coote, in“A Re-evaluation of Three Nineteenth Century Queensland Histories: ‘History of the Colony of Queensland from 1770 to the Close of 1881’ by William Coote, ‘In the Early Days: A History and Incident of Pioneer Queensland’ by J. J. Knight, ‘The Genesis of Queensland’ by Henry Stuart Russell”(BA Hons diss.,University of Queensland, History, 1994). Google Scholar

66.John Gray, Two Faces of Liberalism(:Polity Press, 2000), 27. Google Scholar

67.R. P. Anschutz, “J. S. Mill: Philosopher of Victorianism,”in1840 and After: Essays Written on the Occasion of the New Zealand Centenary, ed.Arthur Sewell(:Auckland University College, 1940), 131. See also Dicey, quoted inChristopher Turk, Coleridge and Mill: A Study of Influence(:Avebury, 1988), 26–27;J. B. Schneewind, “Introduction,”inMill: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed.J. B. Schneewind(:Macmillan, 1969), ix;Duncan, Marx and Mill, 3. Google Scholar

68.John Plummer, “Recollections of John Stuart Mill,” Victorian Review 3, no. 17(March1881):542–49. Google Scholar

69.In the conservative, quasi-intellectual journal, Victorian Review, there are many articles using Mill as an authority; for example,Arthur Lloyd Windsor, “The Decay of Individuality,” Victorian Review 1, no. 5(March1880):796–812;Samuel Rinder, “A Californian Political Economist: A Reply,” Victorian Review 4, no. 22(August1881):414–23;Rev. James L Hegarty, “Primary Instruction in Victoria,” Victorian Review 1, no. 2(December1879):205–19. Google Scholar

70.David Feldman, “Jews in London, 1880–1914,”inPatriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, vol. 1, History and Politics, ed.Raphael Samuel(:Routledge, 1989), 210, 213. Google Scholar

71.Mill, Utilitarianism, 270, 275. Google Scholar

72.Ibid., 270. Google Scholar

73.Ibid., 300–306. Google Scholar

74.Ibid., 306. Google Scholar

75.Ibid., 307–11. SeePaul Smart, Mill and Marx: Individual Liberty and the Roads to Freedom(:Manchester University Press, 1991), 108a discussion of Mill’s “dread fear of the labouring classes and their potentially destructive political power.” Also seeGraeme Duncan, Marx and Mill. Google Scholar

76.Catherine Hall,Keith McLelland andJane Rendall, “Introduction,”in their book, Defining the Victorian Nation: Class, Race, Gender and the Reform Act of 1867(:Cambridge University Press, 2000), 67. Google Scholar

77.Duncan, Marx and Mill, 269–72. Google Scholar

78.There is an extensive literature on Mill’s conservatism. This includesGertrude Himmelfarb, “The Other John Stuart Mill,”in her book, Victorian Minds(:Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968), 113–54. Google Scholar

79.John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton, “Nationality”inEssays on Freedom and Power, introGertrude Himmelfarb(:The Beacon Press, 1948), 192–93. Google Scholar

80.Parkes to Secretary of State for the Colonies, 31 March1888. Google Scholar

81.Inglis Clark to Premier, Tasmania, 24 April1888. Google Scholar

82.SeeActive Voices, Hidden Histories, the special edition of theJournal of Australian Colonial History 6(2004); theJournal of Chinese Australia;Kate Bagnall, “The Tiger’s Mouth: Thoughts on the History and Heritage of Chinese Australia,”accessed March2015,chineseaustralia.org; “Invisible Australians: Living under the White Australia Policy,” accessed March2015,http://invisibleaustralians.org/blog/; the contributions toDragon Tails: Re-interpreting Chinese Australian History, the special edition ofAustralian Historical Studies 42, no. 1(2011). See alsoJohn Fitzgerald, Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia(:University of New South Wales Press, 2007). Google Scholar

83.Morag Loh, “A Country Practice: Thomas Chong, Herbalist of Bairnsdale: His Place, His Practice, His Peers,”inHistories of the Chinese in Australasia and the South Pacific: Proceedings of an International Public Conference Held at the Museum of Chinese Australian History, Melbourne, 8–10 October 1993, ed.Paul Macgregor(:Museum of Chinese Australian History, 1995), 15–25;Kate Bagnall, “Across the Threshold: White Women and Chinese Hawkers in the White Colonial Imaginary,” Hecate 28, no. 2(2002):11–32. Google Scholar

84.Jerome Small, “Reconsidering White Australia: Class and Anti-Chinese Racism in the 1873 Clunes Riot”(BA Hons diss.,La Trobe University, 1997). Various adaptions of this thesis have been published; most accessibly his“Reconsidering White Australia: Class and Racism in the 1873 Clunes Riot,” Marxist Interventions, accessed March2015,http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/interventions/raceriots.htm. Google Scholar

85.Parkes, Fifty Years, 478. Google Scholar

86.Andrew Markus, “The Burden of Hate: The Australian Inter-Racial Experience, 1850–1901: A Comparative Study of the Australian Mainland Colonies and California, with Special Emphasis on the Working Class”(PhD diss.,LaTrobe University, 1974), 221–22; see alsoJohn F. Horsley, “The Chinese in Victoria,” Melbourne Review, no. 16(October1879), 418. Google Scholar

87.Ann Curthoys, “Race and Ethnicity: A Study of the Response of British Colonists to Aborigines, Chinese and Non-British Europeans in New South Wales, 1856–1881”(PhD diss.,Macquarie University, 1973), 428. The context of this comment was debate on the report of the Select Committee into Common Lodging-Houses, in the NSW Parliament in 1876. Google Scholar

88. SMH, 7 March1879, 3. See also speech of Daniel O’Connor on the same page. Google Scholar

89.In debate on Chinese Immigration Bill, 7 September1880, in SAPD(1880): col. 995. See also the speech of Charles Stuart Mein, QldORDLC 22(1877):74; and the speech of John Douglas, QldORDLA 23(1877):246.Carl A Feilberg, “Can the Chinaman be made a Good Colonist?” Victorian Review 1, no. 3(Jan1880):371–72. Google Scholar

90.Mill, Utilitarianism, 212. Google Scholar

91.Ibid., 138. Google Scholar

92.Ibid., 238. Google Scholar

93.Quoted inAnn Curthoys, “Race and Ethnicity,” 643.Curthoys, 614ff, deals with the general demand that “white European” immigrants disperse and become “English,” but she does not seek theoretical roots for this approach. Google Scholar

95.Deborah E. Roberts, “The Role of Victorian State Education in the Development of a National Identity 1872–1918”(PhD diss.,Monash University, 1999), 19–20. Google Scholar

96.Kenneth Bray, “Government-Sponsored Immigration into South Australia 1872–86”(MA diss.,University of Adelaide, 1961), 171–72. In general, Wales is not mentioned in this regard. See also Parkes’ rejection of a proposal to assist the emigration of Irish agricultural labourers to NSW; Parkes, Minute to Governor Loftus, 27 July1881, Parkes corresp., A916, 484. Google Scholar

97.Cooper to Parkes, 3 Sept1880, Parkes corresp., A920, 50–51. Google Scholar

98.A. G. Austin, Australian Education 1788–1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia(:Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons, 1961), 166–70. Google Scholar

99.B. K. Hyams andB. Bessant, Schools for the People? An Introduction to the History of State Education in Australia(:Longman, 1972), 47–48. Google Scholar

100.In March1868, the Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Alfred, was shot and wounded by an Irishman, H. J. O’Farrell. Parkes, who was then Colonial Secretary made vague, but sensational allegations of a Fenian conspiracy, allegations proven to be untrue. In the process, he became a hero to Protestant sectarians in New South Wales. SeeA. W. Martin, Henry Parkes: A Biography(:Melbourne University Press, 1980), 268–69. Google Scholar

101.Martin, Henry Parkes, 268. The respite was in part due to Parkes’ bankruptcy and forced resignation from Parliament. Duffy, a Catholic, had broken the ice and written to Parkes saying he belonged back in Parliament; significantly, Parkes sent this letter to Carlyle. Duffy’s approach led to a rapprochement between Parkes and NSW Catholics that facilitated electoral victory in 1871. The mixing Parkes desired to see was believed to be impossible in Britain. In1882, Alexander Montgomery argued that the “fundamental basis ofallIrish discontent lies in the simple antipathy of race and religion. The hatred of England as England and Protestantism as Protestantism, is as lively and intense to-day amongst the Irish Celts as ever it was when they had a real oppression to complain of.” Thus intermarriage was prevented, and Montgomery described the gulf in racial terms;Alexander Montgomery, “The Backbone of the Irish Question,” Victorian Review 5, no. 29(March1882):588–89. All these discussions are framed in terms consistent with Mill’s approach. Google Scholar

102.Douglas Cole, “‘The Crimson Thread of Kinship’: Ethnic Ideas in Australia, 1870–1914,” Historical Studies, no. 56(1971):516–17, my emphasis. Google Scholar

103.Henry Reynolds, “Racism and Other National Discourses,”inThe Resurgence of Racism: Howard, Hanson and the Race Debate, ed.Geoffrey Gray andChristine Winter(:Monash Publications in History, 1997), 36–37. Google Scholar

104.Mark Francis, “Social Darwinism and the Construction of Institutionalised Racism in Australia,” Journal of Australian Studies, no. 51(1996):90–105. Google Scholar

105.Henry Reynolds, Nowhere People: How International Race Thinking Shaped Australia’s Identity(:Viking, 2005), 218. Google Scholar

106.Quoted inRussell McGregor, “‘Breed Out the Colour’: Or the Importance of Being White,” Australian Historical Studies 33, no. 120(October2002):296. Google Scholar

107.Ibid., 286. Google Scholar

108. Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, no. 37(12 September1901), 4804, 4807. Google Scholar

109.Ibid., 4807, 4817, 4806. Google Scholar

110.David Lee, Australia and the World in the Twentieth Century(;Melbourne Publishing Group, 2006), 192. See alsoSean Brawley, The White Peril: Foreign Relations and Asian Immigration to Australasia and North America 1919–78(, 1995), 247–48. Google Scholar

111.Cited inImmigration Reform Group, Immigration: Control or Colour Bar? The Background to “White Australia” and a Proposal for Change(:Immigration Reform Group, 1962), 155–56. Google Scholar

112.The dangers of a cultural divide between rulers and ruled were described byM. C. McCarthy O’Leary, “Ireland since the Land League,” Victorian Review 10, no. 60(1884):575–79: “The gentry of the country belonged, for the most part, to an alien race and to an unpopular religion. The descendants of English settlers, of James’ planters or of Cromwell’s soldiers, they held but little in common with the lower order. The very distinctions of rank necessitated a difference in occupations, whilst on Sunday – on that day which is supposed to unite all Christians in humble adoration of the Giver of all Good – the landlord and his family went in solitary state to church, whilst his tenantry were to be seen flocking in crowds along the roads to worship at a different shrine. Such singular circumstances could not fail to serve as a bar of separation to keep asunder those whom similar hopes and a community of interests should have united most closely together.” Google Scholar

113.Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party(:Melbourne University Press, 1989), 255. Google Scholar

114.Ibid., 253. Google Scholar

115.Ibid., 254. Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

 Google Scholar

If you have private access to this content, please log in with your username and password here

Details

Author details

Griffiths, Phil